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THE DECLINING SIGNIFICANCE OF FORM: A SEARCH FOR CONNECTIONS BETWEEN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTAL FORMS AND PUBLIC SERVICE EXPENDITURE DECISIONS



By Charles Sampson


Introduction
A main concern of municipal governments[1]in the United States is their capacity to finance, predictably and reasonably, services and programs for their residents.  Scholars have questioned whether that capacity is impacted by the structure of administrative authority in various municipal governments.  The existence of the notion of whether the structure of administrative authority has an independent effect on policy (expenditure decisions) is characterized by many titles and occupies much space in the literature.  This research intends to observe data and make an empirical assessment of whether two forms of municipal administrative authority are distinguished by their expenditure patterns.
Municipal governments spend their money on a variety of services including education, transportation, health, welfare, safety and housing.  The larger municipalities spend a greater percentage of their budget on education services and health, hospitals, and public welfare. Smaller municipalities spend a greater percentage on transportation and environment, housing and waste management (National League of Cities, 2006).  Municipal governments differ along the line of their size, election method and administrative authority.  Administrative (and political) arrangements are left to the respective states that (in turn) grant municipal status vis-à-vis charters.  This state of affairs holds largely due to the fact that the Constitution of the United States makes no mention of local government. Administrative authority is determined by the form of government granted in a charter and there are five distinct forms: council manager
(58%) mayor-council (38%); commission (3%); town meeting and representative town meeting (<1 span="" style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  (Renner, 1988; Boynton and DeSantis, 1990).   The 2006 National Municipal Form of Government Survey conducted by ICMA indicates that the vast majority of American cities have either the Council-Manager or the Mayor-Council form of government.

Introduction
A main concern of municipal governments[1]in the United States is their capacity to finance, predictably and reasonably, services and programs for their residents.  Scholars have questioned whether that capacity is impacted by the structure of administrative authority in various municipal governments.  The existence of the notion of whether the structure of administrative authority has an independent effect on policy (expenditure decisions) is characterized by many titles and occupies much space in the literature.  This research intends to observe data and make an empirical assessment of whether two forms of municipal administrative authority are distinguished by their expenditure patterns.
Municipal governments spend their money on a variety of services including education, transportation, health, welfare, safety and housing.  The larger municipalities spend a greater percentage of their budget on education services and health, hospitals, and public welfare. Smaller municipalities spend a greater percentage on transportation and environment, housing and waste management (National League of Cities, 2006).  Municipal governments differ along the line of their size, election method and administrative authority.  Administrative (and political) arrangements are left to the respective states that (in turn) grant municipal status vis-à-vis charters.  This state of affairs holds largely due to the fact that the Constitution of the United States makes no mention of local government. Administrative authority is determined by the form of government granted in a charter and there are five distinct forms: council manager
(58%) mayor-council (38%); commission (3%); town meeting and representative town meeting (<1 span="" style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  (Renner, 1988; Boynton and DeSantis, 1990).   The 2006 National Municipal Form of Government Survey conducted by ICMA indicates that the vast majority of American cities have either the Council-Manager or the Mayor-Council form of government.

 

Complementary and competing theories about municipal expenditures and form of government


Social scientists have studied municipal expenditures and governance from several theoretical perspectives, and as one might expect there is more than one school of thought about whether and/or how municipal expenditure patterns can be explained by form of government (FOG).   The impact of continuously changing forms of American local governments is partially explained in social science theory generally described as institutionalism or new institutionalism (Rogers; 1959 March and Olsen 1989; DiMaggio and Powell 1991; Lynn 1998; and Frederickson, Johnson and Wood, 2004).  There is no single new institutional approach; instead there are a number of variants such as historical institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, and rational choice institutionalism (Hall and Taylor, 1996; Peters, 1999).  Peters (1999) outlines four features of institutions that help to demarcate institutions from other entities First, institutions are ‘in some way a structural feature of society’ (Peters,1999, p18). These can be formal (organizations) or informal (networks) both of which work to shape  relations between actors; Second, institutions entail an element of stability;  Third, institutions, impact behavior; Fourth, there is ‘some sense of shared values and meanings´ (Peters, 1999: 18) among the members of an institution.  Institutionalism reflects are ‘the sets of rules that guide and constrain actors´ behavior’ (Lowndes, 2001: 1958). Scharpf (1997:38) sees institutions as ‘systems of rules that structure the courses of actions that a set of actors may choose.

When Iapply the institutional lens to American local government, Isee structural characteristics, i.e., administrative arrangements or forms of city government that represent collective institutions.  A form of government represents a particular institutional nuance and these administrative arrangements may be connected to a municipal government’s capacity to finance, predictably and reasonably, services and programs for their residents.

Basic Municipal forms of government and their significance

Municipal governments differ along the line of their size, election method, and their administrative and political arrangements.  Twice in each decade the International City Management Association (ICMA) surveys municipal governments in the United States. These surveys reveal that there are five common organizational arrangements (forms) for municipal governments: 1) mayor-council, 2) council-manager, 3) commission, 4) town meeting and, 5) representative town meeting.  The legislative bodies are the result of charters, ordinances or other actions of their respective state governments that, on their face, facilitate political constitutions for the cities. Observations of the ICMA surveys for the period between 1981 and 2006 reveals that the most frequently cited forms of government identified by respondent cities are the council-manager and the mayor-council forms.  These two forms are used by 84% of the cities which participate in that survey .
The basic council-manager form is a structural arrangement for a non-political executive as the administrative centerpiece of a municipal government.  It parallels the organization of the business corporation complete with voters as stockholders who elect a board of directors (council) and a mayor as chair of that board.  The board and chair appoint a chief administrative officer (manager) who is expected to foster administrative competence and efficiency. 
The parallel model for political authority is the mayor-council form which is intended to highlight representative government at the municipal level.  In the strong-mayor form of this government, the mayor is given almost total administrative authority, with the power to appoint and dismiss department heads without council approval. Likewise, the mayor prepares and administers the budget, although that budget often must be approved by the city council. In some strong-mayor governments, the mayor will appoint a chief administrative officer (CAO) who will supervise department heads, prepare the budget, and coordinate departments. This CAO is responsible only to the mayor.  In the weak-mayor form of this government the council possesses both legislative and executive authority. The council may appoint officials and must approve of mayoral nominations. The council also exercises primary control over the municipal budget. As indicated by the ICMA data, the commission form and the town hall meeting forms have virtually disappeared.
The fact that cities are continuously changing frameworks for governance is arguably a response to battles between competing municipal-based forces in a democratic society, but more important are the outcomes of these redesign processes.  Frederickson, et al (2004) imply that continuous change in the governance framework erases some of the distinguishing features between basic structures and subsequently results in structures that increasingly resemble each other.  Their contribution is referred to as the “adapted cities framework” which posits the notion that demands for mayoral leadership, political responsiveness and administrative efficiency is conciliated and best captured as the “Type III city.”  This form attempts to capture the best of both the elements of administrative efficiency and political responsiveness.
The majority of the literature supports that reform governments, i.e., council manager (CM) are more business-like than all others.  Public choice theories suggest the expected effects of government form and of other variables on municipal expenditures.  Booms (1966) is credited with demonstrating that city managers are more likely than mayor-council forms of government to minimize the cost of municipal services. That work was one of the first in urban public finance literature to investigate the efficiency of Council Manager Cities as measured by spending level differences.  It hypothesized that the form of city government has as important effect on the levels of public expenditures for municipal functions and that city managers are more likely than elected mayors to minimize the cost of producing municipal services; DeSantis and Renner (1994) report that structural characteristics of local governments are important and that CM types spend less than MC types.  Lineberry and Fowler (1967) are credited with being the scholars to systematically investigate the direct and indirect effects of reformed city structures.  Their study purports that CM forms plus at large elections tend to lower tax and spend at lower levels than MC forms.  They conclude that political structure a significant intervening variable that affects the relationship between the socio-economic characteristics of municipalities and their policy outputs.  Specifically MC municipalities tend to be more responsive to the demographic characteristics of their constituents compared to CM forms.  They argue that CM governments make public policy less responsive to the demands arising out of social conflicts in the population. Lyons (1978) supports Lineberry and Fowler’s findings that reformed cities react more readily to pressure from groups that want lower taxes and less spending.  Feiock, Jeong, and Kim (2003) report that CM forms allow administrators and elected officials to more easily resist opportunistic behaviors.  A substantial segment of the literature counters the claim of CM superiority or argues that FOG makes for no difference relative to policy decisions.  Clark (1968) stated that municipal reform types are correlated with the highest levels of aggregate spending;   Liebert (1974) suggests that if the functional inclusiveness of municipalities is controlled, the relationship between structure and policy outputs disappears altogether.  A number of studies argue that there is no difference in FOG as it relates to municipal expenditures:  Deno and Mehay (1987); Farnham (1987); Hayes and Chang (1990); Morgan and Pelissero (1980); and Reid (1991). 
Most of the related literature treats the administrative authority issue as exogenous; however, Sass (1991) and Fahey (1998) argue that structure is endogenous.  Contributions by McDonald (2005) complement both Sass and Fahey by arguing that if a structure of local government produces inefficient choices the structure would eventually change. 

When in Doubt, Follow the Money  
This study attempts to “follow the money.” By observing municipal expenditure data, we empirically assess whether and/or how the most frequently used forms of municipal administrative authority are connected to expenditure patterns.  The units of analysis are the two forms of organizational arrangements most frequently found in American municipalities (cite ICMA): the council-manager and the mayor-council) forms.

Data Description
This data set consists of numerical and qualitative variables from 126 cities, each with population’s greater than100K, with a mayor-council or council-manager form of government (FOG) during the period 1967 – 2007, a forty year time span.  The data captured in this study were collected by the Census of Governments which conducts an enumeration twice in each decade (during the second and seventh years).  The data in this study are for October of the year preceding the Census e.g., 2006, 2001, and so forth and reflect the spending activity of the observed officials.  Thus, there are t=9 time-indexed measurements for each variable for each city.  Each time point is also described by a dichotomous variable representing the minority status of the mayor for that given year.

Dependent variables
Scholars of urban politics tend to classify spending into three basic categories allocational, developmental and redistributive spending (Peterson, 1981; Stein, 1990). There is no universally accepted model for placing specific spending subcategories into these three larger spending areas. 
Allocational policy is defined as spending on a range of basic city services that can be considered housekeeping services.  Allocational spending funds developmentally and distributionally neutral housekeeping obligations. These expenditures function with less than perfect efficiency and spillovers of social benefits and social costs cannot always be identified.  Moreover, many allocational functions involve sub functions for which the amount of inter-community spillover varies.  It is difficult to define an area of benefit consumption for certain services; many of the beneficiaries (especially the indirect beneficiaries) cannot even be identified, and, therefore, the area to which benefits extend cannot be circumscribed.
In this study, allocational spending includes: 1) education, 2) education other than capital, 3) fire protection, 4) police protection, 5) sewerage, 6) electric utilities, 7) gas utilities and 8) general expenditures.  This categorization of spending is defined by the Technical Documentation Manual and roughly parallels core divisions in the urban political arena
By contrast, developmental expenditures include what Molotch (1976) refers to as preconditions of growth they include expenditures as defined by the Technical Documentation Manual, e.g., 1) water utilities fund the ‘operation, maintenance, and construction of public water supply systems’; 2) regular highways include expenditures for the ‘maintenance, operation, repair, and construction of non-toll highways, streets, roads, alleys, sidewalks, bridges, and related structures’; 3) parks and recreation funds the ‘provision and support of recreational and cultural-scientific facilities’; 4) sewerage expenditures fund the ‘provision, maintenance, and operation of sanitary and storm sewer systems and sewage disposal and treatment facilities’; 5) central staff services funds ‘government-wide executive, administrative, and staff service agencies’; 6) general public buildings covers spending for ‘construction, equipping, maintenance, and operation of general public buildings not related to specific functions or agencies’; 7) parking facilities funds the ‘provision, construction, maintenance, and operation of local government public parking facilities operated on a commercial basis’; and 8) health services other funds the ‘provision of services for the conservation and improvement of public health.’  These expenditures have historically supported business development and sustained cities, and they continue to be the ‘significant dynamic’ of contemporary local political economy and are critical to public resources and local issue agendas. Our listing is intended to complement Tiebout (1956), and Logan and Molotch (1987) arguments that cities will spend funds to attract businesses and tax-paying residents.
Finally, redistributive policies are those that tend to target and benefit less-advantaged residents. In this study, they are operationalized to include health, hospitals other than capital, welfare, and limited public housing. Hajnal and Trounstine (2010) state that a  range of different kinds of surveys all find that poor minority residents are especially concerned about redistribution and social services, whereas Whites and the middle class are especially concerned about attracting businesses and other aspects of development, reducing taxes and improving their quality of life through better parks and recreation and easier transportation (Clark & Ferguson, 1983; Lovrich, 1984; Welch, Sigelman, Bledsoe, & Combs, 2001).  Thus, the three dependent variables in this study are three types of municipal expenditures, i.e., allocational, developmental, and redistributive.

Independent Variables/Covariates
            There are two independent variables used in this analysis -- race and form of government.  For mayoral race/ethnicity, we use a binary variable coded as 1 for minority mayor and 0 for non-minority (white) mayor.  Sources for the race variable include the Census of Governments, and International City Management Association database.  A second covariate in our data is the form of government (FOG), with only two possible outcomes, mayor council (coded as 1) and city manager (coded as 2). These two (of five organizational arrangements) account for >85% of all American municipal forms of government according to International City Management Association (ICMA, 2006).   It should be noted that FOG is the only covariate that is time-invariant for all 8 time periods.  The other independent variable, Race, is a time varying covariate.

The Hypothesis
Much of the public management literature which treats municipal government structure argue that mayor council (MC) forms of government are inclined to favor political responsiveness as a behavior that is more important than administrative efficiency.  Thus, I develop an argument for two related hypothesis along the three forms of spending that cities engage 1) allocational; 2) developmental and 3) redistributive:

H1 Mayor councilgovernments will spend moreper capitain allocational spending, than CM because this type of spending covers the “housekeeping” functions of city government such as police and fire operations; garbage collection, etc., likewise;

H2 CM (council-manager) governmentswill invest more, per capita, in developmental spending, than MC cities, since CM governments are inclined toward administrative efficiency and favor business-like activity which attract industries that are likely to generate employment while attracting comparatively higher income residents.  Thus, spending on transportation infrastructure, parks and recreation, tax support for entrepreneurial development, i.e., tax increment districts, and activities which attract businesses that provide jobs and attract high income residents will distinguish that set of behaviors from officials in MC operations.; and

H3 MC governments will devote more per capita to redistributive activities, than CM governments, although neither of the municipal operations will favor redistributive spending.  Municipal spending on housing.health-care and welfare for the populations that are more financially dependent  is likely to be found in an institutional setting which is organized to be more politically responsive. 


Method of Statistical Analysis: The Unconditional Linear Growth Model
            To begin, Ipresent the growth model which includes time as a single predictor and allows for random slope and intercept terms.  This random coefficient regression model can be used to fit city-specific linear models for the expenditure data for each of the three dependent variables, developmental, allocational and redistributive.  Diagnostic checks establish the goodness of fit for the model so that additional analysis to ascertain the effect, if any, of the independent variables can follow.
Let denote the expenditure value for city j and time point i.  The two-level model is given by: 
            Level 1:   , where  , and

            Level 2:     ,
,              where

The parameters and can be interpreted as the average (across all cities) intercept and slope across all 125 cities.  Graphs of our data indicate nonzero intercepts and slopes, so it is expected that these parameters are significantly different from zero.  If the variance components and are statistically significant, this verifies that modeling the intercept and slope as random was a good strategy.   For each city, predictions at each time point can be plotted along with the original data to investigate how well the linear model fits. 


Assessment of Form of Government
            Testing the effect of form of government (FOG) is straightforward.  Since the form of government stays constant for each of the eight time points for each city, it is examined by including it as a level-2 predictor.  The model from above becomes:
Level 1:   , where  , and

Level 2:  ,         
,    where

Rejection of the hypothesis  implies that form of government has an effect on the intercepts; significance of implies a relationship between form of government and the slope.

Assessment of Minority Mayor
            For assessing the effect of race, Iuse two methods.  The first approach is to examine the residuals from the fitted growth curves, where the model does not include race as a covariate.  If race is not affecting expenditures, then the set of residuals corresponding to the minority mayors should have the same zero-mean distribution as the set of residuals for white majors.  This method is popular in litigation statistics, (Gastwirth, 1975, 1984, 1988, 2000; Gastwirth and Wang, 1987) in which a multiple regression model is used to predict salary, and then the distributions of female residuals is compared to that of males. 
            For comparing these two distributions, I use both parametric methods (which assume normality of the underlying densities) and nonparametric, distribution-free methods.  The parametric method is the two sample t-test, which compares the true means.  For the nonparametric methods, Icompare the medians using the Wilcoxon test.  Finally, a distribution-free test of equality of the two distributions is carried out using the Kolmogorov-Smirnoff procedure.
            As an alternative, Ican include race as a time-varying random effect.  In this approach, each city is modeled as a function of both time and race.  The predicted values no longer appear linear because the time points corresponding to a minority mayor are adjusted for the estimated race effect.  The model becomes:

Level 1:   ,   where  ,

Level 2:  ,
,                  where

Significance of implies a race effect.  If the variance component is statistically significant, then the race effect varies across cities.



Results and Discussion
            Table1, below,provides descriptive statistics while controlling for inflation by using for per capita spending for the three types of municipal expenditures.  The data demonstrate that mayor-council governments spend more than city-manager governments in all three areas of spending. Moreover, in the instances where there is a minority mayor associated with the FOG, spending in each of the three categories is greater in comparison with the white mayor in each FOG.
Descriptive Statistics for the Three Types of Governmental Expenditures (Per Capita)
Variables

N
Mean
StdDev
Developmental




FOG
Mayor Council (MC)
450
66.699
90.597

City Manager (CM)
569
58.130
70.759
Race
White
959
55.122
72.780

Minority
141
99.456
104.280
Allocational




FOG
Mayor Council (MC)
458
321.933
528.207

City Manager (CM)
569
261.213
376.370
Race
White
967
258.280
423.745

Minority
141
484.794
565.255
Redistributive




FOG
Mayor Council (MC)
456
29.316
63.409

City Manager (CM)
556
17.580
36.869
Race
White
957
18.661
42.903

Minority
135
48.087
77.963
Note: The measurement unit is dollar per 1000 people. N=1027

Developmental Expenditures:
            The log transformed development data shows the need for a variance-stabilizing transformation, so the log transform was used. 

Table 2.Results of the Linear Growth Model for Developmental Expenditure


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
 1.2638*** (0.0440)
Rate of Change,
Slope
 0.5017*** (0.0065)




Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
 0.1982*** (0.0096)
Level 2
In initial status
 0.1613*** (0.3199)

In Rate of Change
 0.0018**   (0.0062)

Covariance
 0.0001       (0.0035)






Note: * p<.05, ** p<.01, *** p<.001


In this linear growth model, the parameters contain fixed effects and random effects.
is the fixed effect parameter that can be interpreted as the average (across all cities) intercept when TIME=0 (year of 1967), and is the fixed effect parameter that can be interpreted as the average slope across cities. Significance of the variance components indicates that the cities have different slopes and intercepts.
Results of the Conditional Linear Growth Model (for developmental expenditures, below) show fixed effects impact for time and FOG.

Table 3.Results of the Conditional Linear Growth Model for Developmental Expenditure


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
 1.3501*** (0.1518)
Rate of Change,
Time
 0.5173*** (0.0227)

FOG
-0.0450       (0.0928)

Time*FOG
-0.0103       (0.0139)
Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
 0.1973*** (0.0099)
Level 2
Intercept
 0.1658*** (0.0326)

Time
 0.0020**   (0.0007)

Covariance
 0.0003       (0.0037)
Fixed Effects



Initial status, 
Intercept
 1.2571*** (0.0439)
Rate of Change,
Time
 0.4975*** (0.0065)

Race
 0.1807**   (0.0576)
Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
 0.1952*** (0.0010)
Level 2
Intercept
 0.1612*** (0.0307)

Time
 0.0017**   (0.0007)

Race
 0.0271       (0.0376)

Covariance
-0.0003       (0.0035)


 0.0171       (0.0260)


-0.0018       (0.0049)






Note: * p<.05, ** p<.01, *** p<.001;Time: 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8; Race: 1=Minority, 0=White; FOG: 1= Mayor Council, 2= City Manager



Form of Government
Results of the Linear Growth Model for Developmental expenditure, including form of government as a covariate are given below.  The results show that developmental expenditures are not affected by the form of government.


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
3.0491 (0.1519) ***
Rate of Change,
Time
0.2821 (0.02270) ***

FOG
-0.04879 (0.09288)

Time*FOG
-0.00659 (0.001388)
Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
0.1369 (0.006880)***
Level 2
Intercept
0.1891 (0.003253)***

Time
0.0003096 (0.00073)***

Covariance
-0.00382 (0.003666)







The Minority Mayor

The residuals for each city at each time point from the linear growth modelare usedto further explore the expenditure pattern between white and non-white mayors. Positive residuals indicate a mayor spent more on the average development expenditure than predicted; whereas negative residuals indicate a mayor spent less on the average development expenditure than predicted.
The parametric t test was performed on these residuals to compare the average between white and non-white mayors. The results show that there was moderate statistical significance between the averages, (t= -1.85, p=0.0642) with the mean for non-white larger than that for white.
For the nonparametric test, we find significance of the race effect on developmental spending.  Wilcoxon test was performed on these residuals to compare the median residuals between white and non-white mayors. The results show that there was a statistical significance between the median residuals for white and non-white mayors (W=84276, Z=1.889, p=0.0294).  Kolmogorov-Smirnov test was performed on these residuals to examine the distribution of residuals for white and non-white mayor. The results show that there was statistical significance between the residuals’ distributions for white and non-white mayors (D=0.128 p=0.0352).

Method 2:  Minority Mayor as a Level-1 Covariate

Results of the Linear Growth Model for Developmental expenditure


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
2.9535 (0.04378) ***
Rate of Change,
Time
0.2651 (0.006610) ***

Race
0.1203 (0.04882) *
Variance Components


Estimate (Standard Err)
Level 1
Within person
0.1355 (0.006733) ***
Level 2
Intercept
0.1825 (0.03036) ***

Time
0.002896 (0.00069) ***

Race
0.02073 (0.02536)

Covariance
-0.00445 (0.003467)


0.02674 (0.02226)


-0.00372 (0.004029)





Time: 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8; Race: 1=Black, 0=white

Again, this is more evidence of the effect of race, since the parameter for race is significant at the .05 level.

Allocational Expenditures


Results of the Linear Growth Model for Allocational expenditure


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
4.0577 (0.03771) ***
Rate of Change,
Slope
0.3379 (0.00551) ***




Variance Components


Estimate (Standard Err)
Level 1
Within person
0.07087 (0.003415) ***
Level 2
In initial status
0.1486 (0.02277) ***

In Rate of Change
0.002558 (0.00049) ***

Covariance
-0.00319 (0.002442)








Form of Government



Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
4.2481(0.1288)***
Rate of Change,
Time
0.3580 (0.01846)***

FOG
-0.1189 (0.07897)

Time*FOG
-0.01315 (0.01132)
Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
0.07067 (0.003537)***
Level 2
Intercept
0.1495 (0.02387)***

Time
0.002435 (0.000495)***

Covariance
-0.00343 (0.002520)






The results show that allocational expenditures are not affected by the form of government.

Method 1 for Assessing Minority Mayor

The residuals for each city at each time point from the linear growth model are usedto further explore the expenditure pattern between white and non-white mayors. Positive residuals indicate a mayor spent more on the average development expenditure than predicted; whereas negative residuals indicate a mayor spent less on the average development expenditure than predicted.
T test was performed on these residuals to compare the average residuals between white and non-white mayors. The results show that there was no statistical significance between the average residuals for white and non-white mayors (t= -0.53, p=0.59).
The Wilcoxon test was performed on these residuals to compare the median residuals between white and non-white mayors. The results show that there was no statistical significance between the median residuals for white and non-white mayors (W=80517, Z=0.6569, p=0.2556). Kolmogorov-Smirnov test was performed on these residuals to examine the distribution of residuals for white and non-white mayor. The results show that there was no statistical significance between the residuals’ distributions for white and non-white mayors (D=0.0532, p=0.8764).
Results of the Linear Growth Model for Allocational expenditure with a level-1 race covariate confirm the previous results of insignificance of race on allocational spending. 


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
4.0524 (0.03770) ***
Rate of Change,
Time
0.3382 (0.005735)***

Race
0.04099 (0.04159)
Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
0.06828 (0.003394) ***
Level 2
Intercept
0.1489 (0.02273) ***

Time
0.002795 (0.000537)***

Race
0.04164 (0.02113) *

Covariance
-0.00356 (0.002531)


0.004420 (0.01752)


-0.00528 (0.002955)






Redistributive Expenditures


Results of the Linear Growth Model for Redistributive expenditure


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
0.7204 (0.1428) ***
Rate of Change,
Slope
0.4167 (0.01956)***




Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
0.5510 (0.02750)***
Level 2
In initial status
2.2866(0.3223)***

In Rate of Change
0.03647(0.006191)***

Covariance
-0.2391(0.04048)***






Form of Government:


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
2.0844 (0.3161)***
Rate of Change,
Time
0.3144 (0.04444) ***

FOG
-0.5305 (0.1943) **

Time*FOG
0.01468 (0.02731)
Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
0.2981 (0.01511) ***
Level 2
Intercept
0.9629 (0.1437) ***

Time
0.01587 (0.002901) ***

Covariance
-0.7206 (0.01684) ***







The results of the Linear Growth Model for Redistributive expenditure are different that the previous expenditure categories.  Here, form of government is a statistically significant factor for redistributive (p-value < .01.)   The negative estimated coefficient for is .-531, indicating that the mayor council form spends more on redistributive than city manager.

Assessing Minority Status: Analysis of the Residuals                                  
Residual analysis can be used to explore the expenditure pattern between white and non-white mayors. Positive residuals indicate a mayor spent more on the average development expenditure than predicted; whereas negative residuals indicate a mayor spent less on the average development expenditure than predicted.  We carried out the parametric two sample t-test to compare the means of the residuals between white and non-white mayors. The results show that there was moderate statistical significance between the average residuals for white and non-white mayors (t= -1.89,p=0.0605).  The Figure below shows that the average for minority mayors is larger than for white mayors.

Next I summarize the nonparametric methods.  The Wilcoxon test was performed on these residuals to compare the median residuals between white and non-white mayors, and the results show that there was a statistical significance between the median residuals for white and non-white mayors (W=82915, Z=2.6636, p=0.0039).  The nonparametric Kolmogorov-Smirnov two-sample test for the residuals’ distribution shows that there was a statistical significance between the residuals’ distributions for white and non-white mayors (D=0.1705 p=0.0021, ) with the distribution for minority mayors having larger percentiles than that for white mayors.

Method 2: Minority Mayor as a Level-1 Covariate

Results of the Linear Growth Model for Redistributive expenditure


Parameter
Linear Growth Model
Fixed Effects


Estimate (Standard Err)
Initial status, 
Intercept
1.2417 (0.09511) ***
Rate of Change,
Time
0.3322 (0.01314) ***

Race
0.1687 (0.06748) *
Variance Components



Level 1
Within person
0.2949 (0.01444) ***
Level 2
Intercept
1.0108 (0.1438) ***

Time
0.01578 (0.002805) ***

Race
0

Covariance
-0.0729 (0.01647) ***


0.02171 (0.06921)


-0.00841 (0.01182)






In this linear growth model, the parameter is the difference between Black and white mayor in the log Redistributive expenditure, and is significant at the .05 level.  The variance component is not statistically different from zero, indicating that the moderate race effect is consistent across cities.

Summary and Conclusions
            Municipal officials, i.e., mayors and councils shape their expenditure decisions by defining the situations, determiningtheirroles, assessing the appropriateness of different expenditures and responding to the situations in a manner that meets their challenge within the constraints of their financial wherewithal.  The appropriateness of the different spending decisions is discussed below.
            With regard to developmental spending the analysis indicated that such expenditures are not affected by the form of government.Developmental spending policy has the goal of enhancing the local fiscal base and of subsequently attracting high-end taxpayers.  It is a policy that virtually every municipality would pursue; a sort of pump priming activity that is vital to attracting businesses and jobs.Such an expenditure approach is connected to fiscal capacity theory which argues that local jurisdictions must fight for wealthier residents and businesses and simultaneously balance a competitive tax-rate that is low enough to attract wealthier residents and businesses with the provision of goods and services.
City officials buy into a strict division of labor between governmental and private sector entities in control and manipulation of resources (Imbroscio, 1998).  Such spending decisions emphasize the interdependence of governmental and non-governmental forces in meeting economic and social challenges.  Therefore, it is not surprising that we find no sufficient statistical evidence suggesting that form of government affects developmental spending.
On the other hand, it does appear that developmental spending is different between minority and white governed cities.  The MGM is challenged to emphasize developmental spending because there is an understanding of the linkage between urban government and the business sector. Because MGM cities have a larger concentration of disadvantaged citizens and they also have the goal of attracting more business, they will spend more on developmental efforts.  As city governments adjust their efforts, it is not unreasonable to find that expenditure decisions are also affected.
           
There was insufficient statistical evidence to show that allocational spending is affected by the form of government and minority status of mayor.  Allocational spending by municipal governments reduce the likelihood of catastrophic conflagrations, wholesale violations of personal property, community epidemics and the use of public spaces as dumps and junkyards.Thus, it is not surprising that the majority of empirical studies, including this one, have found little difference in the levels of allocational policies by white and black mayors (Keller (1978); Nelson (1978).  Moreover, our finding complements Helen Thompson (2001) who examined policy priorities of black mayors in the United States and subsequently developed a typology of black mayoral agendas and a profile of their terms. Her study concluded that while there is a high level of congruence in agenda priorities among the country’s black mayors, the policies do not appear to be different from those of non-black mayors. Our research here uses modern statistical methods and complements these findings.
Perhaps the most intriguing finding is that exogenous factors such as mayoral race and institutional factors such as a form of government are statistically significant for redistributive spending behavior.This observation invites a number of noteworthy linkages to previous works. First, I believe my contribution sheds light on Peterson’s redistributive construct and elucidates the theory of need responsiveness which suggests that redistributive spending will increase as the number of needy residents rise.
Likewise, Schneider’s (1987) community homogeneity hypothesis was conducted at a time when there were not many instances of minority governed municipalities.  The community homogeneity hypothesis rationalized that, within fiscally heterogeneous communities, we can expect to see lower redistributive spending because the nature of redistributive spending is more obvious and thereby prompts vocal resistance from higher income residents.  It also was conducted when there was a dearth of MGM’s. Since minority governed cities are more homogeneous, than are majority governed municipalities, our observation of higher redistributive spending is consistent with Schneider.
Emergence of MGM’s began gradually after Friesma’s (1969) characterization of the minority mayor-ship as a “hollow prize”.This “hollow prize” was a constellation of impoverished central cities with dependent populations that the new black mayor inherited; it is now demonstrable that this rising class of new black mayors inherited a set of conditions which would not easily allow spending policies designed to discourage concentrations of those dependent populations because they were already in residence.This study uncovers an acute irony: the“ hollow prize”has become emblematic of unintended challenges of PL 89-110: herculean leadership challenges with limited resources for this new set of leaders.  It also convinces us that institutionalism does not account for existence of the hollow prize, but it does distinguish its presence.  


           



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[1]   As defined for census statistics on governments, municipal governments are political subdivisions within which a municipal corporation has been established to provide general local government for a specific population concentration in a defined area. This includes all active governmental units officially designated as cities, boroughs, (except in Alaska), towns, (except in the six New England States, Minnesota, New York, and Wisconsin), and villages. In Alaska, the term ‘borough’ corresponds to units classed as county governments.  In New England, Minnesota, New York, and Wisconsin, the term ‘town’ refers to an area subdivision which may be legally termed a municipal corporation and have a similar governmental organization but has no necessary relationship to a concentration of population, and thus corresponds to the term ‘township in other states.

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